If a socialist strategy of reforms is to be possible, this basic difference must not be masked, nor dismissed to a lower level by tactical agreements at the summit. Instead, she argues from a historical materialist perspective that capitalismis economically unsustainable and will eve… It then becomes anything you want to call it, but it is no longer the result of the material development of society. Romance Revolution and Reform is a free interdisciplinary research journal focusing on the humanities in the Long-Nineteenth Century (1789-1914). Where lies the importance of all the phenomena that are said by Bernstein to be the means of capitalist adaptation – cartels, the credit system, the development of means of communication, the amelioration of the situation of the working class, etc.? In other words, a policy of indirect public control of the mechanisms of accumulation and circulation of capital should not necessarily be rejected, on condition that it must only be conceived as a transition towards the policy of direct control, which it will inevitably demand as its logical continuation under pain of a blockage in the system and retaliations on the part of the economic forces. Rosa Luxemburg Reform or Revolution (1900) Written: 1900, 1908 Source: Social Reform or Revolution, by Rosa Luxemburg Publisher: Militant Publications, London, 1986 (no copyright) First Published: 1900 (revised second edition 1908) Translated: Integer Online Version: Rosa Luxemburg Internet Archive (marxists.org) 1999 Transcription/Markup: A. Lehrer These remarks are particularly applicable to the present European situation, in which the precarious economic balance no longer allows, as it did in other periods, the financing of social programs and public intervention. Reform or Revolution Part One. In short, by controlling management, by weighing it down at the top with bureaucracy, by attacking the pro t motive, the state would be attacking the very dynamic of the capitalist system, and would encourage its paralysis or sclerosis.
He does not merely reject a certain form of the collapse. Dr Oscar Cox Jensen, QMUL, 'When London Cried: Life and work on the city street', (Virtual). A socialist strategy of progressive reforms does not mean the installation of islands of socialism in a capitalist ocean. Its only consequence would be a slowing up of the pace of the struggle.
The latter must not direct its daily activity toward the conquest of political power, but toward the betterment of the condition of the working class, within the existing order.
It is a consequence of the necessity to create the objective and subjective conditions, to prepare the social and political positions of strength, on the basis of which a working-class conquest of political power will become possible. To apply it would now demand draconian measures which did not figure in the original common minimum program—e.g. Reform or Revolution was one of the most important of her early writings. According to them, initially there should be a sincere attempt at a policy resting on indirect controls and freely accepted managerial prerogatives. If Bernstein’s revisionism merely consisted in affirming that the march of capitalist development is slower than was thought before, he would merely be presenting an argument for adjourning the conquest of power by the proletariat, on which everybody agreed up to now. But the bourgeoisie will never surrender its power without struggle, without being forced to do so by the revolutionary action of the masses. And third, on the increased organisation and consciousness of the proletarian class, which constitutes the active factor in the coming revolution. But what is technically possible is not for long politically possible.9. To believe that the state can in the long term contain, orient and regulate the activity of the economic forces without encroaching on the regime of private property is in fact to abstract from the political and psychological dynamic of capitalism. But vast numbers of those working with hands or brains think or feel in some confused way that capitalism is no more acceptable today than it was yesterday as a type of economic and social development; as a mode of life; as a system of relations of men with each other, with their work, with nature, and with the peoples of the rest of the world; in the use it makes—or does not make—of its technical and scientific resources, of the potential or actual creative capacities of each individual. These have been the means of making changes within the power structure of a society. Famous precedents for this are France (1937, 1947, and 1957), Belgium (1961), Italy (1962–1964), etc. The his- tory of the coalition thus becomes that of a long retreating struggle. Either the socialist transformation is, as was admitted up to now, the consequence of the internal contradictions of capitalism, and with the growth of capitalism will develop its inner contradictions, resulting inevitably, at some point, in its collapse, (in that case the “means of adaptation” are ineffective and the theory of collapse is correct); or the “means of adaptation” will really stop the collapse of the capitalist system and thereby enable capitalism to maintain itself by suppressing its own contradictions. But that is not the case. The scientific basis of socialism rests, as is well known, on three principal results of capitalist development. K Biswas introduces the TNI Covid Capitalism Report. Romance, Revolution and Reform is an innovative PGR-led journal based at the University of Southampton. The original minimum program has already become inapplicable. What Bernstein questions is not the rapidity of the development of capitalist society, but the march of the development itself and, consequently, the very possibility of a change to socialism. We should not conclude from the impossibility, failing a pre-revolutionary situation, of passing directly to reforms destructive of the system, that a socialist strategy of reforms can or must be limited to isolated or partial reforms, called “democratic” because they have not only no socialist content, but no socialist perspective or revolutionary dynamic. social groups and masses who wish to achieve political and social changes by improving the status quo As Marx and Engels wrote, su rage gives the right, not the power to govern.3 It makes possible an assessment of a multiplicity of individual wishes, expressed in the secrecy of the polling booth, of men and women whose convergence of demands does not yet make at all possible their organization and uni cation for the purpose of common action.
Socialism can only come about through long-term and conscious action, which starts with the gradual application of a coherent program of reforms, but which can only proceed by way of a succession of more or less violent, sometimes successful, sometimes unsuccessful, trials of strength; and which will as a whole contribute to the formation and organization of the socialist will and consciousness of the working classes. To sign up for updates on the latest RRR news, email RRR@soton.ac.uk. Think of a theory of trade union control. As the weeks pass and the economic and monetary crisis deepens, the former inevitably lose ground to the latter. But an effective reaction from the working class movement pre- supposes that the reforming action is not conceived as an action centralized in the state, in support of which the coalition demands of the masses a permanent and disciplined delegation of powers; rather it pre- supposes that the promulgation of the economic program goes hand in hand from the beginning with democratic reforms allowing the development in factories, cooperatives, regions and local councils of centres of popular power and initiatives adapted to local circumstances.
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